The risks of overreach by Anthony Albanese and teal independents

The teal independents have also maintained the popularity that swept them into office in May. After three months they have reinforced their public profiles and are pressing their advocacy of reforms regarding taxes, integrity, climate change and women. Their big tests will come soon too as they must continue to prove their relevance to the parliamentary process. They too must maintain their focus.

Neither Albanese nor the teals can afford to stretch themselves too thin. It is a matter of balance between advocating their essential agenda and the temptation to settle scores from the federal election. The latter involves going in for the kill and finishing off their opponents while they are vulnerable.

The Albanese government must build up its credentials for being action oriented. This means achieving a balance between solving practical problems and addressing big picture issues. The community has some tolerance for both, but will become less tolerant if they are seen to be out of balance.

The big picture issues include implementing the Uluru Statement from the Heart, addressing climate change, and exposing the past abuse of power by the previous government. The latter includes the Robodebt scandal in social services and Scott Morrison's multiple ministries. Each contains a practical aspect in avoiding history repeating itself, but they are largely legal and constitutional in nature.

The higher order issues involve special mechanisms like referendums and commissions of enquiry. They address real questions which deserve serious attention. The Albanese government can always defend its actions by pointing to the many royal commissions set up by previous Coalition governments (aged care, financial institutions, veterans' suicides), including the pursuit by the Abbott government of the preceding Rudd and Gillard governments (pink batts and trade union links).

Albanese can pursue referendums and commissions of enquiry confident of a reasonable amount of popular support. But that popular support must be handled sensitively, or it will fade away. It can be exhausted as it is not in endless supply. The public's support for tackling the bigger picture issues depends on the government simultaneously solving practical problems such as falling real wages, government debt and rising inflation.

The criticism by the opposition that the government is addicted to the rear-view mirror and is all talk but no action is not yet cutting through. The time will come however, by 2024-25, when this criticism will be taken seriously. Peter Dutton has no option but to be patient.

Morrison's foolishness is a gift that keeps giving. It is understandable that Albanese wants to wring every ounce of benefit from exposing it. But like any addiction it is ultimately not good for the health of the government. Commentator George Megalogenis, wisely advised the Prime Minister: "Send in the cleaners, spare us the overkill."

Investigation of Morrison and the previous government should be a job only for the government's first few months. By next May the public will be much more interested in the progress of the ideas floated this week at the Jobs Summit, a functioning federal integrity commission, the government's climate action credentials and the likelihood of the passage of the Voice to Parliament referendum.

These things will be the long-term markers of the success of this government alongside economic and financial progress. The consignment of the previous government to the depths of history will look after itself. Political commentators will see to that.

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Just as the government must avoid overreaching, so must the teals, though in a different way. By next May the two big state elections in Victoria and New South Wales will have come and gone. The fate of Daniel Andrews and Dominic Perrottet will be known.

The federal teals must decide what role they should play in these state elections. They are obvious role models for those independent candidates now deciding whether to run in state seats in the same geographical areas. Already the community movements behind the federal teals have begun to mobilise their forces and to consider options.

The attraction is clear for both potential candidates and their movements. History suggests that once the major-party link has been broken at one level voters are willing to consider another break with tradition. Local and state independents flourished in those parts of the country where federal independents like Cathy McGowan, Helen Haines and Rob Oakeshott were successful. It is quite natural for community movements to engage in both federal and state elections.

Success is not guaranteed, however. The issues must be framed differently and may not have the same force, although honesty and integrity in government clearly remains a powerful campaign weapon at the state level.

The federal teal independents will herald an even broader political transformation if their allies are successful in state politics. Valuable momentum may be lost, however, if these state independent candidates are unsuccessful. It would certainly embolden the federal opposition.

Both the Albanese government and the teal crossbench must accept some risks if they spread themselves thin in campaigns against the Coalition.